The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential holders of that office in US history. While many second-in-commands had to settle for minor or ceremonial roles, Cheney exercised huge influence during the term of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and claimed the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, always calling him in public settings as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it indicated that they were equals. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a group of neo-cons that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the downing of any unidentified aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the assaults altered his perspective, making him become focused on revenge. Together with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on inaccurate information repeated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It was the proper decision to do then. I was convinced back then and I believe it today."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the position. "I witnessed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "clear negligence, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had written a memorandum detailing scenarios in which American interests might be endangered (encompassing "obtaining vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," explicitly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the Oval Office generally inclined on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of diminishing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his parent's face that each person had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, repeatedly referencing information documents that were both thin or completely inaccurate. He endorsed what the Bush White House politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to establish protocols and create programmes to capture the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they earn a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers assigned to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly leave his hole? It's a effective way to work, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his commercial relationships pursued him through his period as VP. Although he had little experience in business but established relationships in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy corporations, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the presidency. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the company rose from his quarter-million dollars when he was military head to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at more than $20m|twenty
